Marxists and the British

Labour Party

Introduction

An ounce of experience: the Poll Tax battle

The "shift in the balance of forces within the labour movement" was nowhere more clearly demonstrated than in the battle against the Poll Tax ('Community Charge') in Britain.

The 'Open Turn' debate followed the successful defeat of the Poll Tax, a punitive tax, levied equally on each adult irrespective of their income or wealth, introduced by the then Thatcher led British government. The Militant played the leading political and strategic role in achieving this defeat, through the strategy of non-payment in defiance of the law, and in the development of Anti-Poll Tax Unions, usually entirely independent of the Labour Party, comprised of thousands of ordinary working class people.

It is a matter of public record that both the old Communist Party (which subsequently broke up into fragments) and the Socialist Workers Party initially opposed the tactic of non-payment, which they considered would fail. But more importantly this struggle was conducted in opposition to Labour Party led city and county councils that were aggressively collecting the tax and increasingly Militant supporters were being expelled from the Labour Party for organising the resistance to the Poll Tax. This 'ounce of experience' demonstrated more clearly to active members of the Militant the need to take the 'Open Turn' than a 'ton of theory' could do, to use Lenin's phrase.

The campaign against Thatcher's Poll Tax began in Scotland in earnest in 1998, and resulted in Thatcher's downfall in November 1990. It was an epic, seminal struggle involving 18 million people who were more than three months behind in their Poll Tax payments, and therefore facing court action.

The campaign was more advanced in Scotland due to the fact it was introduced a year earlier than in England and Wales, and because of the significant role of the Militant in Scotland. At an April 1998 conference in Scotland Militant agreed a strategy of illegal non-payment, and began establishing the Anti-Poll Tax Unions, which became mass or semi-mass bodies that defended working class people from 'Poindings' (seizures of goods) by the 'Sheriffs' (bailiffs) as a result of non-payment.

But the Anti-Poll Tax Unions were not Labour Party bodies. There was no way of working through the Labour Party to oppose the tax, despite Labour being in opposition to a most vicious Tory government. The Labour Party, which led most of the big city councils at the time, was intent on collecting the tax, and the threat of expulsion hung over anyone associating themselves with policies which opposed the Labour Party leadership, due to the continuing witch hunt against the left and the Militant in particular.

The Poll Tax was defeated as it became uncollectable due to mass non-payment. The Tory Party unceremoniously removed Margaret Thatcher as a result of her defeat at the hands of the Anti-Poll Tax Unions under the leadership of the Militant (whatever excuse they use as a cover, Thatcher herself as much as admits to this.)

Yet within the Labour Party Militant was "marginalised by suppression and expulsions" and "an open turn is now imperative" if Militant was to take advantage of its enormous success. ('Scotland, Perspectives and Tasks 1991') The vast majority of Militant members active in opposing the Poll Tax and those who had attempted work in the Labour Party, agreed.

The story is best told in The Rise of Militant, which has been serialised on the Socialist Party website (opens in new window). But in view of the debate which is presented here, we highlight the following. In April 1991

The national [Militant] leadership unanimously decided to support the setting up of an independent organisation in Scotland to take account of the extremely favourable situation which had developed for us there.

In view of the fact that a minority, led by Ted Grant and Rob Sewell, subsequently used this decision as the main reason to split away from Militant, it is important to record that both Ted Grant and Rob Sewell voted in favour of this decision. (Chapter 44)

Cautiously then the Militant began discussing making an 'Open Turn' in Scotland in April 1991. But in May 1991 the Left Labour MP Eric Heffer died, and a by-election was called in his Liverpool, Walton constituency. Militant had a very long history and a solid basis of support in this area, but because of the witch-hunt inside the Labour Party it was impossible for a Militant supporter to win the nomination to stand in the election.

Therefore the question was whether Militant would support a right wing Labour candidate in the election or stand our own candidate, aiming to mobilise our local support. This required an immediate decision and immediate action from the National Editorial Board, which was the National Committee of the Militant, and which usually met several times a year, and was elected and comprised of members from around the country.

This National Committee, which met in Merseyside mainly to facilitate the Merseyside National Committee members, decided overwhelmingly to stand Leslie Mahmood in Walton independently as 'Real Labour', and the Militant membership as a whole largely supported this decision.

The input of the Merseyside members, in the light of the epic struggle of the Militant-led Liverpool City Council in 1983-1987 was an important part of the decision to stand Leslie Mahmood as an open 'Real Labour' candidate. ('Liverpool - A City that Dared to Fight,' a Militant publication which records the battle in great detail, is published on the Socialist Party website. Opens in new window.)

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