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Party, Programme, Reformism and the International

August 2000: Committee for a Workers' International reply to the International Socialist Movement.

[Introduction] 

Party, Programme, Reformism and the International

The 'International Socialist Movement Political Committee (PC) Reply to the Factional Document and Platform', written by the International Socialist Movement PC of the Scottish section, was supposed to be a reply to 'The Platform of the Minority [of the International Socialist Movement]' (Scotland). Because of the issues raised in the International Socialist Movement PC's document the International Secretariat [of the Committee for a Workers' International] considered that it was necessary to write a substantial reply.

The reason for this is that the International Socialist Movement PC's document is not just a reply to the faction. Their document is a political justification for the policies, tactics and methods adopted by the International Socialist Movement PC majority.

The comrades, in a clearer fashion than before, are challenging many of the fundamental positions upheld by the Committee for a Workers' International. These include the role of the revolutionary party, democratic centralism, the tasks of Marxists today and the transitional method. A revolutionary programme, how Marxist should relate to other trends in the workers' movement, the development of political consciousness, Cuba and building the International also form part of the discussion. Furthermore, the PC's document re-writes the history of the Committee for a Workers' International and the British section in an attempt to justify their position.

The PC's document also contains some serious accusations against the Committee for a Workers' International and in particular the International Secretariat. The comrades say "We have serious criticism of the central leadership of the Committee or a Workers' International", which they claim, "is over-centralised and seeks to impose strategy and tactics upon individual sections".

The PC's document states in paragraph 27 that there "has been no attempt to constructively engage in a serious discussion of any of these issues. Instead there is a constant attempt to undermine and denigrate the work of the Scottish section".

Yet all material produced by the majority has been circulated to the Committee for a Workers' International membership. Debates have been organised whenever the comrades have requested them. Comrades have put forward their views, in writing and verbally. Recently, debates have been organised at a London aggregate (11th May 2000) and a Socialist Party National Committee meeting (13-14 May 2000). These debates were requested by the International Socialist Movement comrades who wanted to put forward their criticism of the perspective, policy and tactics adopted by the Socialist Party.

In addition to these meetings, since early 1998 two meetings of the International Executive Committee, two meetings of the European Bureau, the 1998 European school, and the 7th World Congress have discussed Scotland.

We welcome the comrades' efforts to clarify their ideas. However, in our view, their method prevents a genuine dialogue and discussion from taking place. They make false claims, tear quotations out of context, throw serious allegations into the debate without substantiating them, and ignore questions previously raised in the discussion. This discussion should clarify ideas. It should not be an opportunity to score cheap debating points by distorting the views of others.

The PC's document was sent by email to all sections and groups of the Committee for a Workers' International as soon as it arrived at the International Centre.

This reply was prepared by members of the International Secretariat and International Executive Committee who have been involved in the recent discussions.

The International Socialist Movement PC's reply begins by posing the question "Why form a faction"? The majority asserts that they bent over backwards to find common ground with the minority prior to the formation of the faction. They cite the example of the organisational resolution that was unanimously agreed by the Scottish Militant Labour EC and the membership in February 2000. They ask why, if there was agreement, did the minority re-open the discussion and produce "Scottish Socialist Party Conference Review and Conclusions".

They claim that the faction was formed at the behest of the International Secretariat which supports "splitting the International Socialist Movement and establishing a puppet organisation in Scotland". These allegations are an attempt by the International Socialist Movement PC to evade the political issues raised by the International Socialist Movement minority. The minority comrades formed the faction having drawn their own conclusions during the debate and because of their practical experiences of the application of the ideas of the International Socialist Movement PC majority.

Philip Stott's document, "Scottish Socialist Party One year on - A Marxist review", raised all the main questions that arose in the debate leading to the formation of a faction. The political platform of the minority faction originated in the issues covered in that document. For over 10 months there was an attempt by those who later formed the minority to seek clarification about the character of the Scottish Socialist Party, its programme, and the role of the Committee for a Workers' International within it.

It rapidly became clear, however, that there was no agreement on these questions and that a political divergence had opened up on fundamental issues of principle. The majority of the Scottish Committee for a Workers' International EC produced a document, "Marxism in the New Millennium", in October 1999. This document argued for the winding up of a cohesive revolutionary organisation and its replacement by a "platform" or "current" whose role would be primarily "ideological". The majority argued that the Scottish Socialist Party was "our party" and that it represented "our programme". The Committee for a Workers' International was invited to draw the conclusion that a separate and distinct Marxist organisation was no longer necessary. This invitation was declined.

Incredibly, the comrades assert that "The leadership in Scotland have made every attempt to reach agreement with the comrades." Following the production of "Marxism in the new Millennium" and the debate at the Scottish Committee for a Workers' International conference in October 1999, it was clear that no agreement would be possible without one side or the other changing their position. The method of the majority, however, was then to try to sweep the differences under the carpet. The resolution agreed at the 6 February 2000 Committee for a Workers' International Scottish conference was an organisational statement. It avoided mentioning the central political issues under debate.

The statement from Dundee to that conference confronted these issues. It stated: 

"In our view the debate that has taken place has been an important and beneficial discussion about the role, character and tasks of the Committee for a Workers' International in Scotland. There has also been discussion on wider questions such as perspectives for reformism, the nature of the Scottish Socialist Party and the character of a revolutionary transitional programme.

 Many of these issues are still unresolved and they will inevitably arise as part of the discussions of the Committee for a Workers' International. Central to these discussions will be clarification of the character of the organisation we are building. In our view, we still require a cohesive revolutionary organisation that is based on the principle of democratic centralism.

"We re-state our support for the political positions outlined in the documents written by comrades from Dundee. At the same time we accept the need to agree resolutions that can take us forward at this stage. We, as will comrades who disagree with us, maintain our right to raise our views and criticisms now and in the future." 

(Dundee Committee for a Workers' International statement to February Committee for a Workers' International conference)

The Scottish Socialist Party conference (26-27 February 2000) was a turning point where the consequences of the methods of the majority were clearly evident. There was no distinct Committee for a Workers' International intervention at the conference. The resolutions passed did not reflect "our programme or analysis", as the majority claim. There was a need, in the view of the minority, to rapidly change course in order to defend the programme, perspectives, methods and organisation of the Committee for a Workers' International in Scotland.

The document 'Scottish Socialist Party Conference Review and Conclusions', was an attempt to alert the International Socialist Movement membership to the fact that our forces are dissolving into the Scottish Socialist Party. The last vestiges of our revolutionary party are in danger of liquidation. Comrades had the right and a duty to produce this document. It flowed from the statement the submitted to the Committee for a Workers' International conference in February. However, even then they did not form a faction. They insisted on opening a discussion after the Scottish Socialist Party conference.

They requested that the International Socialist Movement PC should discuss these issues at its meeting in March. The International Socialist Movement PC informed the comrades this would not be possible because in their view the "Situation in the international" would dominate the agenda. This discussion was to deal with splits and resignations (some of them years ago) from the Committee for a Workers' International and with "International Socialist Alliances". It was a discussion about internationalising the Scottish Strategy.

 Eventually, the meeting discussed the Scottish Socialist Party conference for forty-five minutes! Although this was completely inadequate, it was long enough to make clear that no agreement was possible. The faction was launched quickly following that meeting. It had become clear that the two trends existing in the Scottish organisation had developed into two distinct tendencies.

The idea that the faction in Scotland has been an artificial creation of the International Secretariat is a smokescreen to evade discussing the political differences. The minority faction is an organisational reflection of these profound differences.

Apart from differences on the character of the Scottish Socialist Party, the role of the International Socialist Movement in the Scottish Socialist Party, and questions of programme and other issues have emerged. At the International Socialist Movement National Committee (National Committee) on 16th of January 2000 there was the beginning of a sharp divergence on the economy. 

At the meeting, the Dundee comrades moved a series of amendments. Although Alan McCombes accepted them, he still raised some of his own differences openly at the Scottish Socialist Party conference. Alan used Cuba as an example of what an Independent Socialist Scotland could achieve, arguing that Scotland has greater wealth and resources than Cuba.

The Committee for a Workers' International organisation is being dissolved into the Scottish Socialist Party. This is illustrated by the leading International Socialist Movement members, who draft discussion papers for the Scottish Socialist Party without any discussion with the International Socialist Movement membership or in any leading bodies of the Committee for a Workers' International section.

The International Socialist Movement National Committee in January agreed to produce a resolution on Northern Ireland dealing the question of parades and a written statement on Ireland for the Scottish Socialist Party conference. Without any discussion neither of these documents were produced.

The International Socialist Movement PC document claims that the full-timers for the Scottish Socialist Party who are International Socialist Movement members are "involved in political discussions within the International Socialist Movement and the building of the International Socialist Movement". Unfortunately, this is not the case. Some are, but many leading comrades do not attend the International Socialist Movement branches regularly and do not participate in building the International Socialist Movement.

Prior to the Scottish Socialist Party conference there was no preparation among the International Socialist Movement membership regarding the intervention into the conference. Most of our comrades participated only as Scottish Socialist Party members. As the minority comrades stated in the Scottish Socialist Party review document, nobody intervened to put the position of the Committee for a Workers' International or identified with it.

However, one thing was clear. There was little, if any, discussion within International Socialist Movement about our intervention at the Scottish Socialist Party conference.

What do we refer to when we talk about the disintegration of an organised Marxist presence inside the Scottish Socialist Party? The majority say we have no evidence. It is necessary to begin from first principles. 

What is our role inside the Scottish Socialist Party? It is primarily to advance a Marxist programme at all levels of the Scottish Socialist Party and to win the best layers of the Scottish Socialist Party to that programme. 

This means winning the best activists to the organisation that defends that programme. It means explaining to new members and the general membership of the Scottish Socialist Party how to achieve socialism and what programme and type of party are necessary. 

It may not be possible to win a majority of the Scottish Socialist Party to our position at this stage. However, we can win a significant minority. The PC majority opposes this approach. They are merging our distinct banner with that of the Scottish Socialist Party and disarming our forces politically.

The comrades wrongly claim that the Scottish Socialist Party has adopted, or is in the process of adopting, our programme. Therefore, they argue, we should not build a 'Marxist faction' or a 'revolutionary wing' inside the Scottish Socialist Party. This in turn has had an increasingly detrimental effect on our structures and has led to the liquidation of our once cohesive organisation in Scotland.

The fact that fewer than 50 comrades are currently active in the International Socialist Movement illustrates the degree of atomisation of the organisation that has taken place. This compares to an active Scottish Socialist Party membership as a whole of hundreds. How is it possible to stand up against the pressures of working in a broad party, never mind the weight of 'official' society, without active involvement in our revolutionary organisation?

Incredibly, the majority document argues that when intervening in the water campaign, the anti-poll tax work and solidarity campaigns we did not "…give our name, branch and International Socialist Movement membership". They claim we never said we are members of Scottish Militant Labour, or explained our ideas. 

This is totally one-sided. From 1992, Scottish Militant Labour participated in broad campaigns but we always had a clear independent banner and actively recruited. Even during the poll tax campaign when we were still in the Labour Party we recruited a new generation to our ranks with an audacious and open approach. Contact meetings and 'What we stand for meetings' were commonplace. We used our paper at all stages and the best activists were recruited as members. At the same time, we did not make membership of our organisation a condition to participate in the campaign.

In a broad party we should clearly differentiate ourselves and explain that we are members of the Committee for a Workers' International. This is especially necessary when we are dealing with political differences. How would a new Scottish Socialist Party member attending the Scottish Socialist Party conference know who was defending the programme of the Committee for a Workers' International? Would they know that Committee for a Workers' International members were the driving-force in the Scottish Socialist Party, or would they simply regard our comrades as good Scottish Socialist Party members?

The Scottish Socialist Party conference only served to re-enforce the arguments of the International Socialist Movement minority and the Committee for a Workers' International that the policy of the majority was lowering the consciousness of our members. The political differences between the Committee for a Workers' International and the Scottish Socialist Party were blurred. 

At the Scottish Socialist Party conference, the International Socialist Movement majority fused our programme together with other trends in an unprincipled way. There was no distinctive coherent intervention by the International Socialist Movement. The minority faction was formed to fight this liquidationist policy and struggle to build a cohesive revolutionary organisation that defends the programme of the Committee for a Workers' International.

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